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Loui and Wessel demonstrate that learning a musical grammar and developing a preference for its exemplars are dissociable consequences of exposure. Participants encountered melodies generated from a finite-state grammar in the unfamiliar Bohlen–Pierce system. In Experiment 1, fifteen melodies repeated twenty-seven times each produced recognition and generalisation to new grammatical melodies without differentiated preference. In Experiment 2, ten melodies repeated forty times each generated stronger recognition and greater liking for familiar items but unsuccessful grammatical generalisation. The iconic result is therefore distributional: exposure to a broader set supports abstraction of structural regularities, whereas denser repetition of fewer items favours item-specific recognition and preference. Their experimental operation replaces “amount of exposure” with the architecture of exposure—set size, repetition density and variability. The work bridges statistical learning and aesthetics by showing that becoming able to inhabit an unfamiliar musical system and becoming attached to particular objects within it are related but independent processes, undermining any universal repetition-to-liking threshold.
Hennessy and colleagues experimentally separate nostalgia from familiarity, a distinction often blurred in research on personally meaningful music. Fifty-seven younger and older adults listened during fMRI to three individually constructed categories: personalised nostalgic music, familiar non-nostalgic music and unfamiliar non-nostalgic music, with stimuli matched for musical features through a machine-learning-based procedure. Nostalgic music produced stronger activity than both control conditions across default-mode, salience, reward, medial-temporal and supplementary-motor regions, together with increased connectivity between self-referential and affect-related areas. Older adults showed stronger BOLD responses in nostalgia-related regions, while the predictors of neural response differed by age. The study’s key conceptual operation is to demonstrate that nostalgia cannot be reduced to recognition or familiarity; it constitutes a self-relevant affective-memory configuration. By combining personalised stimulus construction with acoustic matching, the paper bridges autobiographical memory, affective neuroscience and lifespan research, offering a rigorous model for isolating biographical charge from mere musical familiarity.
Castro and colleagues make a decisive distinction between general familiarity and personal familiarity. A popular song may be culturally recognisable, whereas personally familiar music is grounded in direct experience and can be attached to people, places, objects and specific spatiotemporal-emotional contexts. Using fMRI with composers, the study compares participants’ own compositions, favourite music by others and unfamiliar music, followed by personally familiar and unfamiliar names. Music carrying autobiographical content recruits a fronto-parietal network including dorsolateral prefrontal, supramarginal/angular and precuneus regions; favourite music engages reward and emotion networks, while self-composed music more strongly recruits self-referential and visuomotor processes. The methodological operation is unusually precise because familiarity, autobiographical relevance and self-reference are experimentally differentiated rather than merged. The study bridges neuroscience and autobiographical-memory theory by demonstrating that apparently equivalent states of “knowing” music can have different cerebral architectures depending on how the musical object entered the listener’s life.
Belfi and Jakubowski define music-evoked autobiographical memory as a distinct interdisciplinary problem connecting memory, emotion, identity and ageing. Their editorial synthesis establishes that music can evoke vivid, emotionally intense and personally meaningful memories across experimental and everyday contexts, healthy and clinical populations, and quantitative, qualitative and theoretical methodologies. Rather than treating musical memory as simple recognition, they foreground the autobiographical event: a cue retrieves episodes embedded in a life history. The text maps four major axes—youth, ageing and reminiscence bumps; special populations; identity, relationships and emotions; and musical qualities—while positioning music against other sensory cues. Its conceptual operation is therefore field-forming: it shifts inquiry from whether music triggers memory to what kinds of memories emerge, for whom, under which conditions and with what phenomenological qualities. The broader bridge is toward autobiographical-memory research in which sensory media become active retrieval infrastructures connecting perception, self-continuity and temporally distributed experience.
This capacity is epistemically difficult because it often appears trivial while it is functioning. Infrastructure, as Latham and Layton insist, is frequently transparent in use and becomes visible through interruption, closure or unequal access. Uría’s historical tavern reveals the same structure from another direction: its social importance was obscured by moral categories that framed drinking, gaming and informal gathering as disorder. The ordinary setting becomes legible only when analysis separates what authorities said the space represented from what people repeatedly did there. This is a methodological lesson of wider scope. Informal public life is easily missed when research privileges formal organisations, declared functions or exceptional events. Repetition, weak ties and unplanned coexistence require attention to practices whose significance lies precisely in their routine character.
Latham and Layton develop social infrastructure as a research framework for recognising the public dimensions of spaces that are routinely overlooked because their primary function appears mundane. Libraries, laundrettes, cafés, playgrounds, swimming pools, pavements and schools matter not only for what they formally provide but for the social capacities their material and institutional arrangements make possible. The article’s central contribution is to connect infrastructure, publicness, encounter and provision within one analytic language. Its methodological operation is infrastructural rather than typological: the question is not whether a place is officially public, but how its design, accessibility, routines, conventions and maintenance support repeated forms of co-presence, trust and connection. Drawing on Star, Klinenberg and traditions of public-space research, infrastructure becomes relational, embedded and often visible most clearly when it breaks down. This produces a precise bridge between urban geography and microsociology: collective life is sustained by ordinary settings whose social effects are distributed through repeated use rather than spectacular civic form.
Uría reconstructs the Spanish tavern as a dense institution of popular sociability rather than the degraded moral environment imagined by hygienists, employers and reformers. Its iconic idea is multifunctionality: the tavern gathered conversation, political meetings, card games, songs, dances and everyday association within a setting whose informality made it difficult to reduce to formal organisational categories. The theoretical contribution lies in shifting attention from registered associations toward spontaneous, weakly formalised social relations, showing that popular life cannot be understood solely through institutions with explicit membership or statutes. Methodologically, Uría works historically through moral discourse, regulation and social documentation while reading against the grain of elite descriptions that cast tavern life as vice, disorder or alienation. The result is a model of informal publicness in which sociability is simultaneously voluntary, embodied and politically contested. The work bridges social history with urban sociology by demonstrating how ordinary commercial interiors can become crucial infrastructures of collective life.
Zell-Ziegler, Thema and Dünzen operationalise sufficiency by translating it into causal policy chains rather than treating it as a general ethical preference. The paper adopts the IPCC definition of sufficiency as measures and daily practices that avoid demand for energy, materials, land and water while delivering wellbeing within planetary boundaries. Its distinctive methodological contribution is the impact-chain framework, which traces the path from policy stimulus to behavioural, infrastructural and environmental effects while identifying supporting factors, barriers and risks. Seventy-four passenger-transport policies are examined across multiple strategies, including trip reduction, active mobility and modal shift. The analysis is valuable because it refuses to equate a low-demand intention with successful implementation: feasibility depends on administrative flexibility, public transport provision, distributional effects and political acceptance. The paper thus connects sufficiency research to policy design and implementation studies. More broadly, it turns “less” from a moral slogan into an analysable institutional mechanism whose consequences can be compared, qualified and tested.